Continue reading Samsung Galaxy Golden is an Android clamshell with old looks but new specs at Phone Arena
weather chicago mumford and sons Pokemon X and Y Apple Developer PS4 iOS 7 tim tebow
Sunday, August 4, 2013
Samsung Galaxy Golden is an Android clamshell with old looks but new specs
Phone Arena writes, A new clamshell flip phone is apparently coming from Samsung; this seems to be a completely different model than the Samsung Hennessy (SCH-W789) that we told you about on Friday. Where that model will allegedly have 3.5 inch dual screens, the SHV-400EK, known as the Samsung Galaxy Golden, will have 3.75 inch dual-screens. The phone will have a numerical dial pad with triple tap letter entry...
Robert Mugabe wins (again). Opponent cries fraud
Robert Mugabe was declared winner of Zimbabwe's election with 61 percent of the vote. His main rival Morgan Tsvangirai said the results were a "monumental fraud."
Zimbabweans wait to cast their vote in presidential and parliamentary elections in Harare, last Wednesday. President Robert Mugabe was declared the winner Saturday, Aug. 3, 2013. His party has denied allegations of vote-rigging.
(AP Photo/Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi)
EnlargeAfrica's oldest leader Robert Mugabe was declared winner of Zimbabwe's disputed election on Saturday, while his main rival Morgan Tsvangirai dismissed the result as a fraud and said he would challenge it in court and in regional forums.
Skip to next paragraph' +
google_ads[0].line2 + '
' +
google_ads[0].line3 + '
Subscribe Today to the Monitor
Mugabe, 89, who has ruled the former British colony in southern Africa since its independence in 1980, was formally proclaimed re-elected for a five-year term barely an hour after Tsvangirai announced his planned legal challenge.
"We are going to go to court, we are going to go to the AU (African Union), we are going to go to the SADC (Southern African Development Community)," Tsvangirai angrily told a news conference in Harare. He rejected the result as "fraudulent".
While African observers have already broadly approved Wednesday's peaceful vote, independent domestic monitors have described it as deeply flawed by registration problems that may have disenfranchised up to a million people.
Western observers were kept out by Harare.
In its strongest criticism so far of the poll, the European Union said on Saturday it was concerned about alleged irregularities and a lack of transparency in the election.
The EU's verdict on the fairness of the vote will be crucial to deciding whether it continues to ease sanctions on the southern African country. These were originally imposed because of previous accusations of vote-rigging and abuses of power made against Mugabe and his followers.
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, which the official results show won a more than two-thirds majority in parliament, has rejected the latest allegations of massive vote-rigging and intimidation made against it by Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Zimbabwe's Election Commission announced Mugabe had soundly beaten Tsvangirai in the presidential contest with just over 61 percent of the votes, against nearly 34 percent for Tsvangirai.
"Mugabe, Robert Gabriel, of ZANU-PF party, is therefore declared duly elected President of the Republic of Zimbabwe with effect of today," commission head Rita Makarau told a news conference, drawing cheers from ZANU-PF supporters.
Tsvangirai, who had been serving as Prime Minister in a fractious unity government under Mugabe, said his party would present evidence in court to back its charges that the July 31 vote was a "monumental fraud" engineered by ZANU-PF.
"I thought this election was going to resolve this political crisis. It has not. It has failed. It has plunged the country back to where it was," Tsvangirai said.
He has called on the African Union and SADC to investigate the vote, calling it "null and void" and "not credible".
But he faces an uphill struggle to convince the regional bodies, as their observers have already publicly endorsed the election as free and peaceful, while acknowledging minor problems.
Adding to the controversy surrounding the election, one member of Zimbabwe's nine-member Electoral Commission, Mkhululi Nyathi, has resigned since the vote, citing doubts about the integrity of the results.
Tsvangirai's MDC said on Friday it could take to the streets to challenge ZANU-PF's claim of a landslide victory, made less than 24 hours after the polls had closed on Wednesday. (Additional reporting by Stella Mapenzauswa in Harare and Xola Potelwa in Johannesburg; Writing by Cris Chinaka and Pascal Fletcher; Editing by Xola Potelwa and Pascal Fletcher)
Source: http://rss.csmonitor.com/~r/feeds/csm/~3/d30f6ZWrNbQ/Robert-Mugabe-wins-again-.-Opponent-cries-fraud
josh hamilton Susan Rice the Who jon bon jovi jon bon jovi Kliff Kingsbury Amish Mafia
Yahoo! News - Latest News & Headlines
Source: http://rss.news.yahoo.com/rss/search
Newtown Shooting Gangnam Style Ryan Lanza Sandy Hook Univision josh hamilton Susan Rice
Saturday, August 3, 2013
Navigating the NY Architect's Licensing route has given me an ...
OP, think of this in terms of years instead of credits.? When I have a question about what states want, I look at this:
http://www.ncarb.org/Getting-an-Initial-License/Registration-Board-Requirements/Initial-Registration-Requirements.aspx
For being an architectural entity, their spacing is piss poor and this is hard to read.? Scroll down to questions 5, 6, and 7.? It indicates 5 years of experience for a B.A./B.S. in architecture and it indicates 12 years with a high school education.? So, you're in a blend zone.? Then look at this, which is also linked above:
http://www.op.nysed.gov/prof/arch/archlic.htm
Scroll down to Education Requirements.? It looks like if you get your degree classified as Category G, you need 10 years of experience.? If you get your degree classified as Category H, you need 8 years of experience.? I'm sure they've had applicants from Parsons, so the State Board will readily be able to tell you.
And secondly, those going into an M.Arch 1 from an unrelated field do not have as much developed graphic sense the B.Arch's who spend most of their first two years in foundation studios that allow them to explore methods of representation. Im sorry, but even if you had a class for one semester as an M.Arch1 in graphic representation, how the hell are you supposed to hit the ground running if you dont have a background in architecture?? And by methods of represetation, I dont mean studying CAD and Rhino...
Bulgar, while I disagree on your overall stance, I do agree with you on this, and experts weigh in on this much the same way.? I call it the "tea bag steeping" syndrome.? The 5 year B.Arch. can spend the first year and second year developing their graphic sense and then concentrate on design quality more heavily from years 3 through 5.? The M.Arch. 1, over 3.5 years, has 1 or 2 terms in which to accomplish that.? Some students don't do a good job of doing that.? However, if they are able to merge into the mindset somewhere in the 2nd year, they'll be fine.? Students coming from any background involving visual creativity make the transition to competence in graphics quite well.? Even those from other fields can make the leap.? However, your stance on 4+2 is absurd.? In Canada, it is the only model.? In the U.S., if you want to commute from home, and you live in Buffalo, Albuquerque, or Oakland/Berkeley, it looks like you'll be doing a 4+2 and probably have more money in your pocket at the end, and more varied experiences, than someone doing a B.Arch.? Pencil it out.
NFL Draft Grades 2013 living social pnc Pain and Gain Justin Pugh dallas cowboys Jarvis Jones
Firefighter killed in Oregon is identified as crews battle blazes
By Teresa Carson
PORTLAND, Ore. - (Reuters) - A firefighter killed while battling a central Oregon wildfire has been identified as John Hammack of Madras, Oregon, officials said on Friday, as crews aided briefly by cooler, wetter weather grappled with blazes that have blackened more than 200 square miles (520 square km) of the Pacific Northwest.
Hammack died and another firefighter was injured when the top of a tree they were removing from the fire area outside the town of Sisters on Thursday broke off and crashed down on Hammack, who was 58, the Deschutes County Sheriff's Office said in a statement.
Other officials said Hammack was 60.
The surviving firefighter, Norman Crawford, was treated at a hospital for shoulder injuries and has been released, according to local reports. Both men, contract tree fellers, were part of a firefighting team.
"This is a tough loss for Oregon," said Governor John Kitzhaber, who is set to visit a fire area in the southern part of the West Coast state on Saturday.
The current fire season has been particularly deadly in the U.S. West. Nineteen Arizona firefighters died in June after they became trapped by a wind-whipped inferno, and two people perished after being caught in a blaze in Colorado.
Thousands of firefighters fought to snuff out or at least contain blazes that had burned more than 40,000 acres of timber and range land across Oregon on Friday, 5,000 acres more than on Thursday, said Carol Connolly, a spokeswoman for the Northwest Interagency Coordination Center.
Nighttime and early morning lightning strikes sparked dozens of new fires, Connelly said, adding that emergency crews were helped by cooler temperatures and higher humidity, a streak likely to end next week with hotter weather and possibly more lightning-bearing storms.
In neighboring Washington state, more than 2,100 firefighters were making steady progress against a pair of blazes that have scorched more than 107,000 acres east of the Cascade Range.
About 45 structures remained at high risk from the so-called Colockum Tarps fire burning south of Wenatchee, said Mary Ellen Fitzgerald, a U.S. Forest Service official and a spokeswoman for firefighting efforts.
That fire, which has burned more than 80,000 acres in less than a week, has claimed three houses and five other buildings, including three outhouses. It was 30 percent contained as of Friday morning as firefighters were aided by light rain and fortuitous winds pushing smoke away from the containment line, Fitzgerald said.
Farther south, the so-called Mile Marker 28 fire, which has blackened 27,000 acres close to the Oregon border, is 75 percent contained, with residents of 69 homes forced to flee allowed to return as of Wednesday.
(Additional reporting by Jonathan Kaminsky in Olympia, Washington; Writing by Jane Sutton and Eric M. Johnson; Editing by Jeffrey Benkoe and Steve Orlosky)
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/firefighter-killed-oregon-identified-crews-battle-blazes-021914295.html
g8 summit netanyahu aipac vanessa minnillo super tuesday epidemiology total eclipse of the heart
Friday, August 2, 2013
Sony's First Quarter Savior: The Smartphone
After a few tough years, Sony, a company once synonymous with innovative consumer electronics, appears to be on the rebound. The apparent engine of its turnaround? The smartphone.
Reporting earnings for its fiscal first quarter ended in June, Sony posted a modest profit of $35 million, an impressive recovery from the ugly loss it posted for the same period a year earlier. And it attributed that turnaround to two things: A favorable shift in foreign exchange rates and brisk smartphone sales.
Evidently, the Xperia A, which Sony touts as the most popular smartphone in Japan, and its counterpart, the Xperia Z, have met with some reasonable success, driving what the company describes as a ?significant increase in unit sales? of its Android smartphone portfolio. Sony sold 9.6 million smartphones during the quarter, a big improvement over the 7.4 million it sold a year ago.
Those spiking sales, and the rising average device selling price associated with them, helped Sony?s mobile division post a profit of $60 million. That?s a far better showing than the $28.1 million loss the company turned in for the year-ago period, and a trend that its leadership hopes will continue.
?In smartphones we had turnaround this quarter,? Sony CFO Masaru Kato said during a conference call with analysts. ?We made money. And because we focused on high-end models, the average price was higher. And we?ll maintain that status going forward.?
A wise strategy for Sony, which has been struggling to return its electronics business to profitability amid a prolonged decline in sales of video and still cameras, PCs and LCD TVs.
Source: http://allthingsd.com/20130802/sonys-first-quarter-savior-the-smartphone/
mindy mccready downton abbey nba all star game danica patrick Michelle Laxalt Alabama Shakes Safe Haven
Make Your Wedding Bands Special
The most famous ring in the world might just be a prop from a movie. There is no denying the popularity of the Lord of the Rings movies and books. What all of it boils down to is a story about a ring that everyone wants and no one knows what to do with. Taking away the power of the ring and just examine it as a piece of fine jewelry, I think it is a perfect example of what you can do when it comes to wedding bands.
I'm not suggesting you etch in some elfish lettering that is only visible once you drop it in a fire place. What I am suggesting is that you make sure that the rings you are going to exchange are different than what everyone else has and unique to the two of you. It is a perfect little thing that you can do to make them that much more special.
Some people will have their wedding date engraved on them, or the names. That is certainly a great idea, but it doesn't have to be that traditional. You could put in the place where you first met. Maybe there is a quote from a movie that you both like and say to each other as your own inside joke. You could have that engraved. Even better would be to put the first half of the quote in one ring and the second half in the other. Professional jewelers are so talented with what they can do you could even have a drawing etched in of something that means a lot to both of you.
Some people are going to say "Why bother?" The only time anyone is going to look at them (besides you two) is the day they are exchanged and when you are in a bar and someone is thinking about asking you out. They're not even going to come off your fingers. Why spend money on something that no one is ever going to see. It's a valid question and the only answer I really have is because it is a romantic thing to do. If you were to think about all of the things that go on during a wedding and the process leading up to it, you would find a few of them that are hardly practical, and yet we continue to do them. When you select your wedding bands, take a moment to think how you can really make them your own. You would be surprised how affordable it will be.
miami marlins marlins marlins facebook buys instagram kevin systrom fibonacci sequence maryland lottery
Thursday, August 1, 2013
FTP option is not available under IIS in Windows features. Need help to install SEO toolkit
FTP option is not available under IIS in Windows features. Need help to install SEO toolkit
2 hours, 50 minutes ago|LINK
When I open widows features to turn ON the IIS managament console, I found that I don't have FTP option in IIS and no IIS management console in windows features. Without this Im not able to install IIS 7.5. I use windows 7 home basic
Need help in installing SEO toolkit
Thanks
oklahoma city bombing Audrie Pott Bombing In Boston Rebel Wilson Patriots Day boston marathon turbotax
Latin America: Politically Unfinished and Unfulfilled?
By Olivia McQuillan on August 1, 2013
?Latin America is an Unfinished Construction, a Project to be Realised, an Unfulfilled Project Always Set on Our Horizons? (Arico). How Much Do You Consider Latin America to Still Be in a Process of Political Development?
According to the Argentine socialist thinker Jos? Aric? (1931-1991), Latin America is unfinished, unfulfilled, and its political potential has not yet been realised (Aric? in Munck 2003: 174). Yet, how do we compare Latin America?s political development? Should we contrast it with the West or ?is Latin America simply following a different path?? (Munch 2003: 170). Political development is understood in this essay to consider maturity, popularity, legitimacy and maintenance of political stability and order, with ?political support, institutional trust, regime consolidation and mass consent? (Power and Cyr 2010: 253) all integral to a highly developed political system. This essay does not presume democracy to be universally superior to other forms of government. However, it will consider Latin America?s turbulent history, and consequently immature and relatively inexperienced governments, to contribute to keeping Latin America in a process of political development. The very nature of politics requires that it is constantly evolving, maturing and developing and thus, Latin America is, like the rest of the world, still in a process of political development.
To consider whether Latin America is politically developed, one must question what the goal of development is, in order to ascertain whether Latin America has reached it.? This goal is surely a legitimate government that maintains order and is supported by the people. Power and Cyr (2010: 256) describe political legitimacy as ?the belief that in spite of shortcomings and failures, the existing political institutions are better than any others that might be established and that they therefore can demand obedience?. ?This essay will consider whether Latin America is still yet to achieve this goal.
According to modernisation theory, all countries are on a path to democracy, ?but some countries are further along than others? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). This theory holds that economies modernise by transitioning from agricultural to industrial, resulting in urbanisation. As the population shifts from the countryside to urban living, people have more access to information, technology, and education. With a more educated populous, economic wealth increases; resulting in a growing middle class that begins to participate more in politics and make demands on their leaders and government; ?ultimately, the resulting changes in mass political behaviour make the emergence and survival of democratic governments more likely? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). This theory suggests that ?economic development leads to social and cultural changes that alter the political behaviour of citizens and ultimately result in democratic government? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). According to modernisation theory, it is economic development that initiates political development and thus, one cannot be without the other.
Latin America?s experience with economic development influencing political development is varied. Argentina?s economic progress in the 1800s and early 1900s grew to a level where ?Argentina had attained levels of prosperity and political stability comparable to the USA and leading European countries? (Williamson 2009: 459), and was considered amongst the ten richest countries in the world (Munck 2003: 96). With this economic development came an increased political stability and its ?politics, which had once been so anarchic appeared to have been contained broadly within constitutional norms? (Williamson 2009: 279). This example is in keeping with the theory of modernisation. However critiques of modernisation theory have been made, suggesting that economic development is not alone sufficient to bring about political development.
Evidence of a state?s economic growth is not necessarily felt nationwide; ?excessive inequality may hamper citizens? ability to participate and may encourage development of institutions dominated by a few powerful elite rather than an active civil society? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 87).? Latin America suffers a widening gap between rich and poor, and thus, the consolidation, or even maintenance, of democracy is challenged by increasing social inequality (Munck 2003: 42). Economic development needs to be considered more holistically, considering whether the wider benefits of economic growth affect the population equally or if some are left behind. The recent global economic crisis has been significant for Latin America, but even before this ?Latin America was already the world?s most inequality-beset region? (Toleda 2010: 7). This inequality is associated with unequal access to education and with social tensions; it affects the population?s willingness to be involved in politics and thus prevents political development. An educated population is central to ?every case of a successful and equal development process, in both economic and political terms? (De Ferranti et al. 2004: 178). Huntington (1968: 5) argues that social and economic change is essential for political development; ?urbanization, increases in literacy and education, industrialization, mass media expansion ?extend political consciousness, multiply political demands and broaden political participation?. Wiada (1989: 75-76) notes the correlation between literacy levels, economic development and democracy, however warns that correlations do not necessarily imply causal relationships. In the 1960s ?a wave of military coups swept the civilian democratic governments out of power, greater literacy?did not lead to democracy?.
This wave of military governments taking power across Latin America in the 1960s left seventeen of the twenty Latin American countries under military authoritarian rule by the late 1970s. However, this quickly reversed. By the late 1980s, sixteen of the then twenty-one countries (with a newly independent Belize), and over ninety percent of the population, were either democracies or en route to democracy (Wiada 1989: 76). This period in Latin America?s history mirrors the cyclical hypothesis which holds that:
?neither authoritarianism nor democratic models have been able to generate widespread consent and thus they have continually yielded to one another without generating a lasting political order? (Power and Cyr 2010: 254).
This lack of political continuity and political and social order supports the idea that Latin America continues to be in a process of political development. However, despite this cyclical exchange between democracy and autocracy, the pattern is firmly towards stability and democracy.
The ?nationalist social and political movement? of General Juan Per?n in Argentina was, although ?quite authoritarian? (Munck 2003: 104), popular. Following his death in 1974 and after the presidency was passed briefly to his wife, Isabel, a state of emergency was declared in November 1974 as the country struggled with a stricken economy; initiating the ?dirty war?. The ?anti-subversive net widened arbitrarily to take in students, lawyers, journalists, trade-unionists and anyone suspected of aiding the guerrillas? (Williamson 2009: 476). Jos? Aric? left the country, escaping to Mexico fearing that, as a left-wing government critic, he would be in line to face the ?illicit death squad as people were made to ?disappear?? (Williamson 2009: 476). Munck (2003: 38) describes the dramatic democratic stage in Argentina in 1983 as ?the military dictators retreated due to the double impact of defeat in the 1981/82 Malvinas/Falklands military adventure and growing unpopularity and discontent at home?.
Argentina?s strengthening democracy contrasts with Mexico, which is emerging as a ?post-revolutionary state, more integrated with globalization but not necessarily more democratic? (Munck 2003: 41). Mexico?s current ruling political party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), were in power continually for seventy-one years. The ?monopoly of power enjoyed by the PRI neutralized opposition so effectively that virtually omnipotent presidents became unaccountable to the electorate? (Williamson 2009: 409). Alleged corruption and ballot-rigging plagued their years in power, however, by the 1990s, opposition parties, such as The National Action Party (Partido Acci?n Nacional, PAN), had gained sufficient popularity that ballot-rigging no longer seemed feasible. Gradually ?by the 1990s, experts cautiously began to describe Mexico as a country ?in transition? to democracy? (Shirk 2005: 1). After seventy-one years in continual power, the PRI were defeated in the 2000 presidential election by Vicente Fox, the PAN electoral candidate. With this defeat came expectations of strengthened democracy and an end to ?decades of corrupt and authoritarian rule by the PRI? (Shirk 2005: 1). The 2000 elections have been widely viewed as ?the quintessential and definitive moment of Mexico?s transition? (Shirk 2005: 2). However, in 2012, the Mexican people voted back to power the PRI, the party who had run a ?corruption-riddled, authoritarian system for much of the twentieth century? (Flores-Mac?as 2013: 128). Despite 12 years out of power, the ?PRIs return is likely to reinvigorate several features of the old regime that the transition of 2000 never uprooted, potentially representing a setback for Mexico?s young democracy? (Flores-Mac?as 2013: 128). The fact that the Mexican people have voted into power a party that lead them in authoritarian rule for seven decades is surprising. However, the peaceful turnover of power in 2012, which contrasts with the bitter protests in 2006, ?stands as a welcome sign that democracy is maturing and the principle of electoral accountability is gaining ground? (Flores-Mac?as 2013: 128). In this sense, Mexico remains in a process of political development but is evidently firmly on the road to a consolidated democracy.
Poverty has been considered to be a significant barrier to political development and democratic growth. In 2000 it was estimated that ?thirty-five percent of Latin America?s households were officially ?poor? and a further fifteen percent were ?extremely poor??. Poverty and inequality contribute to a difficult political environment, and ?the odds of a country remaining democratic are higher in richer countries? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). A poor population can impact development but as can a poor government. Underfunded governments risk failing to attract talented people to policymaking. This can result in human capital flight, putting the country further behind on the road to development (Solimano 2005: 47). Aristotle noted that democracy would struggle in a society with high levels of poverty (Aristotle, in Wilson Sokhey 2011: 81). Toleda explains this by suggesting that rich countries are more easily politically ?cohesive and moderate than poor ones? (Toleda 2010: 7). In the absence of tangible economic improvements, citizens grow apathetic towards politics and ?grow dangerously ready to forfeit their human rights and their country?s liberal-democratic safeguards to a strongman who promises immediate results? (Toleda 2010: 8). Despite the growing inequalities, since the 1980s Latin America has seen a deepening of democracy, or at least there has been no clear-cut case of democratic reversal. ?Expectations of democracy have not been met, but despite the people growing disaffected by their governments, there has not yet been a desire to return to authoritarian rule (Philip 2005: 208). Instead, there emerged by the 1990s a ?widespread disenchantment (descanto in Spanish) with democracy generally? (Munck 2003: 165).
Like the issue of inequality and poverty, the rule of law is also essential to achieve not only democracy, but also a stable and supported political system.? Munck maintains that:
??the rule of law (in Spanish estado de derecho) is generally deemed a prerequisite for democracy and good governance, it means, above all, that basic civil rights should apply equally to the whole population? (Munck 2003: 67).
With regard to Latin America, violence and a disregard for the rule of law remain a reality; ?the experience of violence has been ubiquitous and endemic for the poor in Latin America and not only under dictatorships? (Munck 2003: 68-69). In Mexico there is a deeply ingrained culture that the powerful are above the law, and the country has seen the killing of political opponents carried out with the collaboration of the state authorities (Munck 2003: 68-69). As recent as 2010, the nongovernmental organisation Human Rights Watch and the US Department of State claimed there remained grave examples of human rights abuses, including assassinations, kidnapping, physical violence, and arbitrary arrests resulting from a culture of impunity amongst the powerful and government corruption (Schatz 2011: 1-2).
When assessing the level of political development in Latin America, it is essential to make some comparisons with other states to acknowledge how politically developed the region is. However, such comparisons have been criticised as being ethnocentric and ?derived from the Western experience of development? (Wiarda 1989: 69). Having been established democracies for generations, the timing and sequences of political development in the West may not be replicable in Latin America today. Latin America faces very different problems in the twenty-first century than centuries past. Munck (2003: 165) argues that ?the main political challenge facing Latin America today is the question of governability in the era of globalization?. The ?web of dependency and interdependency? (Wiarda 1989: 70) makes it harder for states to become self-reliant and politically developed.
However, advances have been made for Latin America to increase its political cooperation with other developing regions such as Africa. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) facilitated a gathering in 2012 of Latin American and African ministers to increase ?South-South cooperation and exchanges? (Clark 2012). Both regions are heavily reliant on natural resources and can benefit from sharing each other?s experiences of political development. When compared with African development, Latin America is more politically developed. Over the last century, Africa has experienced ?slower growth of incomes, slower social development, more corruption and bureaucracy and more frequent civil wars? (Przeworski et al. 2000: 273) than Latin America; all of which act as barriers to real political development. In contrast, Latin America has seen a move towards political stability opening up the way for democracy and political development.
In Latin America, Argentina can be seen as a leader in terms of political development, a ?success story of neo-liberalism? (Munck 2003: 56), and ?a model reformer? (Daseking? et al. 2004: 1). However, its relative immaturity and lack of political development can be seen to explain the economic crisis in 2001, or their inability to foresee or predict the economic collapse. The monetary regime that pegged the peso one-to-one against the US dollar for more than a decade, and the propensity of politicians to spend and borrow too much, have largely been seen to explain the economic crisis (Schamis 2002: 81). With riots and police repression that cost thirty lives and defaulting on international debt, President Fernando de la R?a ultimately resigned, resulting in serial handovers of executive power with three interim presidents. Despite the chaos of 2001-2002, Argentina resolved ?a serious political crisis without violating the laws, procedures and institutions of the democratic process? (Schamis 2002: 90).
Consolidation is a term denoting the ?final stage of development where democracy becomes stable, immune to authoritarian reversal and self-reinforcing? (Schamis 2002: 89). ?Argentina?s response to economic crisis in 2001 in a democratic way ?should count as evidence of consolidation? (Schamis 2002: 90). Thus, Argentina should be considered politically developed. There is danger however, in suggesting any state is democratically consolidated or politically developed, as it prevents analysts from spotting early cracks in the political system. Schamis (2002: 89) gives the example of Venezuelan democracy in the 1980s: being seen as a consolidated democratic system ultimately prevented analysts from predicting its virtual breakdown in the early 1990s.
Huntington (1968) places political order above political development, controversially concluding that ?stable authoritarian systems would be preferable to unstable democratic ones? (Huntington 1968 in Wilson Sokhey 2011: 84). Huntington considers the growing gap between developed and underdeveloped countries and economies, and suggests that of equal concern should be the widening gap between developed political systems and underdeveloped political systems (Huntington 1968: 2). Thus, whether Latin America remains in a process of political development is of perennial concern. The road to democracy in Latin America has been challenging and the ?expectations that democracy would deliver were undoubtedly inflated? (Munck 2003: 166). However, it remains the most desired path to development.
Toleda (2010: 8) notes the work of the Global Centre for Development and Democracy (GCDD) which seeks to formulate policy recommendations considering the ?interrelationships among poverty reduction, social inclusion, economic growth and democracy, thus preventing the resurgence of authoritarian populism in the region?. Given the immaturity and inexperience of much of the regions? democratic systems and indeed political systems, there remains a risk or returning to authoritarian rule. Toleda (2010: 8) recognises the risk that poverty and inequality bring to an underdeveloped democracy, stating that ?poverty could truncate our economic prosperity and conspire against democracy?.
Given many of the political systems are new in comparison to Western standards, there is much institutional growth and development that is needed before Latin America can be deemed politically developed. Fairer and more efficient tax systems need to be sustained, as well as achieving a representative number of women and minority groups in governments (Toleda 2010 9-11). Bolivia is currently leading the way, having elected their first indigenous president in 2005 (BBC 2011). Furthermore, the Uruguayan President, Jose Mujica, is proving that the Western way is not always best; questioning the possibility of worldwide sustainable development if each country were to use resources like the West. He lives an austere lifestyle himself, donating about ninety percent of his monthly salary to charity (Hernandez 2012). Latin America is clearly not equally politically developed to the West, yet it is on the road to sustainable democracy. Whilst, on the whole, engaging and interacting with the worldwide arena, Latin America seeks to become self-helping by signing new trade and economic agreements such as MURCOSUR. Latin America remains autonomous enough as a region to abstain from blindly following Western models, and instead is set to carve its own unique path to political development.
Bibliography
Armijo, L. (2007) ?Leadership, Responsibility, Perhaps Democracy: New Thinking about Latin American Development?, Latin America Research Review, vol. 42, no. 2, pp. 202-211.
BBC, ?Profile: Bolivia?s President Evo Morales?, (12th January 2011) URL: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-12166905 [13th May 2013].
Clark, H, ?Sharing development experience between Latin America and Africa?, (29th May 2012) URL: http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/ourperspective/ourperspectivearticles/2012/05/29/sharing-development-experience-between-latin-america-and-africa-helen-clark.html [12th May 2013].
Daseking, C, Ghosh, A, Lane, T and Thomas, A. (2004) Lessons from the Crisis in Argentina, Washington: International Monetary Fund Publication Services.
Dayton-Johnson, J, Londo?o, J and Nieto-Parra, S, ?The Process of Reform in Latin America?, (October 2011) URL: http://0-www.oecd-ilibrary.org.wam.leeds.ac.uk/docserver/download/5kg3mkvfcjxv.pdf?expires=1368278405&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=45DFB4FDD956BBF8126EB6FE758D1180 [12th May 2013].
De Ferranti, D, Perry, G, Ferreira, F and Walton, M. (2004) Inequality in Latin America and the Caribbean: Breaking with History? Washington: The World Bank.
Flores-Mac?as, G. (2013) ?Mexico?s 2012 Elections: The Return of the PRI?, Journal of Democracy, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 128-141.
Hagopian, F. (2000) ?Political Development, Revisited?, Comparative Political Studies, vol. 33, no. 6-7, pp. 880-911.
Hernandez, V, ?Jose Mujica: The World?s ?poorest? President?, (15th November 2012) URL: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-20243493 [10th May 2013].
Huntington, S. (1968) Political Order in Changing Societies, USA: Yale University Press.
Kaltwasser, C. (2011) ?Toward Post-Neoliberalism in Latin America??, Latin America Research Review, vol. 46, no. 2, pp. 225-234.
L?pez-Calvo, I. (2010) ?China in Latin America: The Whats and Wherefores?, China Review International, vol. 17, no. 2, pp. 230-236.
Munck, R. (2003) Contemporary Latin America, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Philip, G. (2005) ?Democracy and Development in Latin America?, Latin America Research Review, vol. 40, no. 2, pp. 207-220.
Power, T and Cyr, J. (2010) ?Mapping Political Legitimacy in Latin America?, International Social Science Journal, vol. 60, no. 196, pp. 253-272.
Przeworski, A, Alvarez, M, Antonio Cheibub, J, Limongi, F. (2000) Democracy and Development, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Sabatini, C. (2012) ?Rethinking Latin America: Foreign Policy is more than development?, Foreign Affairs, vol. 91, no. 2, pp. 8-13.
Schamis, H. (2002) ?Argentina: Crisis and Democratic Consolidation?, Journal of Democracy, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 81-94.
Schatz, S. (2011) Murder and Politics in Mexico: Political Killings in the Partido de la Revoluci?n Democr?tica and its Consequences, New York: Springer.
Shirk, D. (2005) Mexico?s New Politics: The PAN and the Democratic Change, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Solimano, A, ?The Challenge of African Development: A View from Latin America?, (December 2005) URL: http://www.fondad.org/uploaded/Africa%20in%20the%20World%20Economy/Fondad-AfricaWorld-Chapter3.pdf [12th May 2013].
Toledo, A. (2010) ?Latin America: Democracy with Development?, Journal of Democracy, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 5-11.
Wiarda, H. (1989) ?Rethinking Political Development: A look Backward Thirty Years, And a Look Ahead?, Studies in Comparative Politics, vol. 24, no. 4, pp. 65-8.
Williamson, E. (2009) The Penguin History of Latin America, London: Penguin Group.
Wilson Sokhey, S. (2011) ?Political Development and Modernization?, In Ishiyama, J and Breuning, M (eds) 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, London: Sage Publications Ltd.
?
Written by: Olivia McQuillan
Written at: Loughborough University
Written for: Martin Farrell
Date written: May 2013
Source: http://www.e-ir.info/2013/08/01/latin-america-politically-unfinished-and-unfulfilled/
prince harry Royal Baby Watch Teen Beach Movie Rae Dawn Chong Premios Juventud 2013 kanye west Conjuring
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)